Dissociating Japanese scrambling from controller movement

Resumen

This paper argues against Takano’s (2010) analysis of weak crossover effects in Japanese object control constructions. In his paper, it is shown that only a pronoun contained in a controller can be bound by a scrambled quantifier. He claims that this binding relation is established within the control clause by clause-internal scrambling on the assumption that (i) long distance scrambling in general cannot create a new binding relation and (ii) obligatory control is derived by movement of a controller. In opposition to his claim, I demonstrate that the contrast at issue actually stems from general properties of Japanese scrambling. That is, (i) clause- internal scrambling of the direct object over the indirect object is A- movement while that over the subject is A'ʹ-movement, and (ii) long distance scrambling out of control clauses patterns with clause-internal scrambling. In consequence of these properties, it is predicted that the pronoun in question can be bound as long as it is contained in the indirect object, which in the case of object control constructions happens to be a controller.