A generalization concerning DP-internal ellipsis
Keywords:
ellipsis, nominal phrases, movementAbstract
In this article I consider a particular generalization concerning ellipsis within the extended nominal projection: ellipsis can target a nominal modifier only if all constituents below it are also elided. Building on an analysis of ellipsis grounded in movement to left edges, I suggest that this generalization follows from a condition on DP-internal movement proposed in Cinque (2005).
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