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Mujeres inmigrantes en Francia:

contradicciones y paradojas

Migrant women in France: contradictions and paradoxes

Biligha Patience

Institut de Recherche pour le Développment (IRD)

Wenjing Guo

Institut de Recherche pour le Développment (IRD)

wenjguo@gmail.com

Monique SelimI

Institut de Recherche pour le Développment (IRD)

Aleksic Kassia

Institut de Recherche pour le Développment (IRD)

Abstract: This article was based on

qualitative interviews within the EU project

Voices of Immigrant Women. It aims to

reconstruct the migratory journey of the

different women. In the first part of this article,

we present the contradictions of France's

national, regional and local integration

measures for migrant women. In the second

part, through the life stories of five women, we

show how the so-called integration of

immigrant women is promoted. Their profiles

cover different generations, countries,

documented/undocumented status, highly

skilled/few qualified, and political participation.

This part analyzes the individual strategies

adopted by migrant women by recentering on

the labour market issue. It underlined the high

education as a tool of integration, social

services and professional skills as

indispensable assets for the labour market,

political engagement in trade union and

human rights activism as a way out of forced

labour. We question the epistemological

Resumen: Este artículo se basa en entrevistas

cualitativas realizadas en el marco del proyecto

de la UE "Voices of Immigrant Women". Su

objetivo es reconstruir el viaje migratorio de las

distintas mujeres. En la primera parte de este

artículo, presentamos las contradicciones de las

medidas de integración nacionales, regionales y

locales de Francia para las mujeres inmigrantes.

En la segunda parte, a través de las historias de

vida de cinco mujeres, mostramos cómo se

promueve la llamada integración de las mujeres

inmigrantes. Sus perfiles abarcan diferentes

generaciones, países, estatus de

documentada/indocumentada, altamente

cualificada/poco cualificada, y participación

política. En esta parte se analizan las

estrategias individuales adoptadas por las

mujeres inmigrantes volviendo a centrarse en la

cuestión del mercado laboral. Se destaca la alta

educación como herramienta de integración, los

servicios sociales y las competencias

profesionales como elementos indispensables

para el mercado laboral, el compromiso político

Recibido: 04/03/2022 | Revisado: 07/03/2022 | Aceptado: 20/05/2022 |

Online first: 8/06/2022 Publicado: 30/06/2022

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political framework that constructs the

“successful” integration criteria on individual

criteria. Finally, we examine that migrant

women in France are subject to a series of

paradoxical injunctions, and the norms to

which they must conform reveal multiple

contradictions related to their origins,

religions, gender, skin colors, etc. Especially

in the actual political context where the

migrant women are the ideal figure to illustrate

tensions surrounding the question of migration

and the role of women.

en el activismo sindical y de derechos humanos

como salida al trabajo forzoso. Cuestionamos el

marco político epistemológico que construye los

criterios de "éxito" de la integración sobre

criterios individuales. Por último, examinamos

que las mujeres inmigrantes en Francia están

sujetas a una serie de mandatos paradójicos, y

las normas a las que deben ajustarse revelan

múltiples contradicciones relacionadas con sus

orígenes, religiones, género, colores de piel, etc.

Especialmente en el contexto político actual, en

el que las mujeres migrantes son la figura ideal

para ilustrar las tensiones en torno a la cuestión

de la migración y el papel de la mujer.

Keywords: interculturality; Intercultural

Education; Migrations; Ethnography;

Ethnographic accounts; Students.

Palabras clave: Interculturalidad; Educación

Intercultural; Migraciones; Etnografía; Relatos

etnográficos; Estudiantes

Introducción

In France, state racism is a historical phenomenon that has amplified since the

1970s, with the growing influence of neoliberal policies and the disappearance of the

“left” from the political scene. The current electoral campaign is constructed on a

xenophobic discourse that aims to reject all immigrants from France, in a context

where the myth of the “great replacement” conveyed by the far-right has been gaining

more visibility in the public debate. The “Muslim immigrant” figure represents the main

target of state racism, which has built its nationalist imaginary through the control and

repression of the “Muslim woman.” Since 2004, successive laws banning the wearing

of the headscarf in schools and public spaces (Law 2004; Law of 2010-1192) have

been carried out in the name of “protecting” French Republican values in front of a

“Muslim threat.” These laws have hindered Muslim women's social and economic

inclusion in French society, impeding their access to public services and marginalizing

them (Hauser 2021) -- thus revealing the ongoing patriarchal and postcolonial

structures embedded in French society (Quiminal 2022; Slaouti et Le Cour

Grandmaison 2020; Scott 2010).

The recent “Anti-Separatism Bill” (2021) reinforces political repression, racial

discrimination, and islamophobia. In addition to expanding a series of bans against

the public demonstration of Islam belonging

increases nationalist state control and

repression. It plans to suspend family allowance in case of child absenteeism (mainly

aimed at immigrant families and “mothers” considered irresponsible in front of their

children’s education). It also plans the dissolution of any organization that “prohibits a

The Anti-Separatism Bill bans the wearing of burkinis in public swimming pools; the wearing of the jilbab and

other religious signs in sports competition; prayer in university.

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person or group of persons” from participating in a meeting “based on their color, origin

or belonging or non-belonging to an ethnicity, nation, race or religion.” This especially

targets immigrant, racialized, and “women of color” groups.

University has become a key area of liberty attacks. Many professors and groups of

students exploring ideas of “intersectionality,” “decolonialism,” and “islamophobia” to

critically address state power became subjects of public launching and received

personal intimidation from hate-groups

Women political figures have played a key role in promoting such xenophobic

measures in the name of “women’s rights” and secular democracy. Marlène Schiappa,

Minister of State for Gender Equality and the Fight against Discrimination in France,

was the primary carrier of the Anti-Separatism Law -- while actively promoting “gender

equality” on a global political level. On the other hand, women have been excluded

from the General Assembly for wearing the veil and forbade to take part in the public

debate

Theoretical framework

The percentage of women migrants in France is analyzed according to the

reasons for immigration. The feminization of migration dates back to 1931 when

women represented 40% of the migrant population in France (Beauchemin, Borrel, et

Régnard 2013). They will become the majority in the 21st century, representing 51%

in 2008. In France, in 2018, women migrants who have crossed the borders of Europe

represented 51.8%; they are therefore in the majority. Migration is no longer a men's

business as the proportion of women migrants is constantly increasing. This increase

can be explained by the individualization and the role of "guarantor" of their family’s

economic survival in the country of origin that many migrant women take on. In

addition, many women also want to escape from the patriarchal structure, pursue

higher education, and seek opportunities that break away from gender norms that

define women’s values according to motherhood and family. We are thus faced with

a first fundamental contradiction: on the one hand, exile allows many women to

escape from dangerous and unequal situations, often linked to gender, and take part

in the process of emancipation by refusing the fate to which they are assigned. But on

the other hand, the closing of EU borders and the institutionalization of state racism in

French society traps women in many deathly, unwelcoming, and domineering

situations that need to be understood through a global perspective (Schmoll 2020;

Falquet 2008).

This feminization of migration has inevitably impacted the composition of

immigration in France. The number of foreign women presents on French territory has

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exceeded that of men since 2008

, representing 51.5% of the total in 2020, all types

of immigration combined. Regarding people in need of protection

, 31,672 of the

96,424 asylum applications registered at the French Office for the Protection of

Refugees and Stateless Persons (Ofpra) in 2020, i.e., one-third, were submitted by

women. Fifty-five percent of these women are from Africa, but 24% are from Europe,

particularly Albania and Russia. The percentage of Africans is also high because the

migrants come from countries colonized by France. In total, as of December 31, 2020,

41.3% of those protected in France were women, compared to 40% as of December

31, 2019

Faced with different kinds of sexual/class and or racial violence in their

countries of origin, during their migratory journeys and integration process, immigrant

women are all too rarely taken into account for what they have accomplished during

their life trajectories and struggles they faced. This article focuses on their individual

stories, which, in multiple ways, show how they move between inequalitarian French

immigration policies and counter-public strategies.

Metodology

This research was conducted within the European Erasmus+ VIW project

. We

chose to take as a sample five women whose trajectory was particularly exemplary of

the migratory processes at stake in France. The selection of these five women was

made within the twelve qualitative in-depth interviews that we conducted in the VIW

project. In addition to these twelve interviews with migrant women in France, the six

partner teams of the project from six countries has conducted 61interviews. The

choice of these five women’s life stories is justified by a comparative dimension

encompassing several European countries and therefore different types of female

migration trajectory. The interviews and the collection of materials were carried out

according to an anthropological methodology that involved listening to and analyzing

the women's speeches and addressing them to an anthropologist, on whom they

projected their welcoming dispositions. The women were given the opportunity to

speak freely, without any interference from imposed questions, and the anthropologist

was involved at the epistemological level in the interpretation of the narratives.

See for example Eric Fassin, « Qui est complice de qui? Les libertés académiques en péril », Blog de Medipart,

Novembre the 1st 2020, https://blogs.mediapart.fr/eric-fassin/blog/011120/qui-est-complice-de-qui-les-libertes-

academiques-en-peril

See the recent controversy over the student union leader Maryam Pougetoux :

https://www.rfi.fr/en/france/20200918-french-mps-walkout-muslim-hijab-student-leader-feminist-secularity-religion

Beauchemin Cris et alii.

United Nations, International Migrant Stock, 2020.

OFPRA, annual reports of 2019 and 2020.

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We supported this methodological approach with a documentary analysis

highlighting the various contours of the feminization of migration in France. In addition,

we conducted interviews with professionals from the associative sector working on

support issues towards and within employment. These three approaches combined

aim to expose the representation of migrant women in France and highlight the

difficulties they encounter in their integration process.

In the first part of this article, we present the contradictions of France's national,

regional and local integration measures for migrant women. In the second part,

through a few examples, we show how the so-called integration of immigrant women

is promoted through the educational, professional, and political spheres. We finally

question the epistemological political framework that constructs the “successful”

integration criteria on individual criteria.

French immigration policies: gender integration and exclusion

In 1991, the High Council for Integration defined a process and policies for the

integration of foreigners in France. The integration policies carried out aim at

republican integration, which "is assessed about the migrant's commitment to respect

the principles on which the French Republic is founded, the effective respect of these

principles and his or her sufficient knowledge of the French language." In 2014, the

government clarified this definition by drafting its "Republican equality and integration

policy" roadmap. It distinguishes between newcomers, whose reception and

integration are the responsibility of the Ministry of the Interior, and foreigners who have

settled in France for a long time, or who have even become French, who are covered

by standard law policies.

Over the last ten years, migrant women have become a priority for integration

policies in France as “they constitute an economically and socially often more fragile

public than the average population.” This construction of "immigrant women" as a

category of public action is reflected in legislative measures, the implementation of

national and local programs, and the development of specific activities in the field of

associations and social intervention. Thus, the issue of "immigrant women,”

considered a public priority, falls within the scope of both integration and women's

rights policies.

Following international treaties

, the French government is setting up an

organizational approach to take into account the different sectors of integration policy

for migrant women in France. To support the inclusion and civic participation of

migrant women in France, funding is made available. Regarding labour market

integration and access to employment, national guidelines and priorities specifically

The interviews are conducted for the project Erasmus + Voices of Immigrant Women. This project (n°2020-1-

ES01-KA203-082364) is funded by the European Commission in the framework of the Erasmus+ Programme, KA2

- Strategic Partnerships for Higher Education.

The Core International Human Rights Treaties, United Nations, New York and Geneva, 2006, 227p.

https://www.ohchr.org/documents/publications/coretreatiesen.pdf

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consider migrant women, as evidenced by the "action plan” for the recognition of skills

of newcomers and access to employment for foreign women

. This consideration

results from developing the national integration strategy and the orientations

pronounced by the Inter-Ministerial Committee on Integration (C2I) and the Inter-

Ministerial Committee on Immigration and Integration (C3I) in 2018 and 2019. This

action plan places migrant women as a priority subject at the inter-ministerial level.

Through calls for projects

, the French government subsidizes associative leaders

who set up support programs specifically for women.

At the national level, in 2020, four projects specifically targeted newcomer

women and the professionals who support them. They addressed the themes of

support towards employment and access to rights (in particular female genital

mutilation, early marriage, violence against women). In 2021, six projects in favor of

women had been subsidized for their support towards employment, professional

training, access to rights, and learning French in addition to the training provided under

the Republican Integration Contract (CIR, Contrat d’Intégration Républicaine). Some

projects include a childcare solution.

At the territorial level, in 2020, 35% of migrant women benefited from

integration actions (employment, learning French, including for professional purposes,

access to rights, appropriation of the principles of the Republic, and the customs of

French society). For example, the State has supported many projects at the regional

level for the professional integration of newcomer women. These projects, like the

ones run by the associations UniR Universités & Réfugiés in Ile-de-France, CIDFF in

Haute-Savoie, or Retravailler in Moselle, include a diagnosis of acquired skills,

validation of acquired experience or comparability of the foreign diploma via ENIC

NARIC. Another example is a job discovery program for newcomer women, including

ten days of training and ten days of internship in partner companies.

An Integration Week for migrant women was organized throughout France in

October 2021 to promote the initiatives of all actors, ministries, local authorities,

associations, and companies committed to integration. This week was an opportunity

to present the comprehensive support system "Empower My Mama,” dedicated to

women’s empowerment to enable them to become independent and entrepreneurial

women.

The multiplication of such initiatives is emblematic of the so-called “civic turn”

of French immigration policies, which encourages personal autonomy, self-

entrepreneurship, individual creativity, and talents as part of the general neoliberal

tendency (Haapajärvi 2020). It lines with the agenda of the European Union, which

aimed to break with an assimilationist and culturalist model of integration - and to

promote citizen integration based on a “logic of togetherness” instead of a national

. Le plan d'action de l'UE sur l'intégration des ressortissants de pays tiers

https://www.solidar.org/system/downloads/attachments/000/000/666/original/80_Briefing_Together_for_Social_E

urope_The_EU_action_plan_on_integration_of_third_country_nationals.pdf?1487062481

« Stratégie nationale pour l’accueil et l’intégration des réfugiés », Comité Interministériel à l’Intégration, 5 juin

2018. https://www.interieur.gouv.fr/content/download/110377/880362/file/strategie-nationaledintegration.pdf

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“logic of sameness” (Goodman 2014). However, research reveals how nationalist

ideology underlines such civic integration policies, which “reflect the self-

representation of majorities,” thus excluding and/or discriminating groups who don’t

share the dominant cultural and moral values (Larin 2020; Mouritsen, Kriegbaum

Jensen, et Larin 2019). During different civic integration programs (language courses,

employment services, etc.), women immigrants are thus required to comply with

Republican French values of secularism and gender equality - through strict control of

their food, sexual, dress, and parenthood practices (Mazouz 2012; Hajjat 2012,

quoted by Haapajärvi).

Such an example reveals how immigration policies tend to contain women in

alterity (Gourdeau 2018). Moreover, research shows how local institutions tend to

value women’s involvement in civic associations and political participation according

to gender and racialized roles: while their public legitimacy and participation is

encouraged upon identity issues, they are excluded from broader debates on political

migration issues (Mattia et Beaujeu 2015). On a more general note, economic

problems disappear from “civic integration” discourse which promotes “successful”

migrant women while others are left in the shade; and blamed for their failure on an

individualistic basis.

Recentering the debate on labour issues

It is thus necessary to focus the debate on labour issues, as for more than thirty

years, immigration policies and regulations in France have become increasingly

restrictive, which makes life for all foreigners more precarious, complex, costly in

terms of time for regularizing or keeping one migrant’s legal status (Kofman, Kaye &

Selmin 2012). Concerning the labour market, the state promotes a selective migration

policy through, for example, the Law of 24 July 2006. This legislation privileges the

movement of skilled or highly skilled migrants while restricting the free movement of

people considered low-skilled and confined in specific sectors or precarious and

seasonal labour activities. To offer a vision of the significant heterogeneity of women

migrants, we draw on three institutional sectors: high education, social services, trade

unions and political organizations.

High education as a tool of integration

For many high-skilled immigrant women, economic success in the host country

remains linked to obtaining a job equal to or higher than the degree obtained. As our

interviews show and based on the work of Renaud and Carpentier (1993), in the host

society, immigrants generally experience a devaluation of their professional status.

Indeed, a high level of education is associated with great difficulty in obtaining the first

job. According to Florent Domergue (2012) study, many immigrant women experience

professional downgrading in the French labour market. According to the author, 7%

of French women are downgraded compared to 9% of immigrant women. Regardless

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of nationality, women are systematically relegated to positions below their

qualifications. The unemployment rate among migrant women remains very high; in

2017, it was 21%. This is generally explained by discrimination in hiring. In search of

jobs that correspond to her level of training, many migrant women who have obtained

a university degree in France are instead led to respond to advertisements

corresponding to a lower course than the degree received. The longer it takes to find

a job after getting a degree, the more the age-associated with obtaining the degree

becomes a discriminating factor in assessing the application. The interview with a

counselor in charge of integration through employment allowed us to understand that

her incentive to encourage immigrant women with diplomas to respond to offers below

their qualifications results from a mission of social control leading to employment

instead of personalized accompaniment towards the job.

The diploma, perceived as an "intellectual" benefit for these qualified migrant women,

becomes a disadvantage as soon as it is associated with the presuppositions of the

country of origin. This junction of origin and the status of migrant women become

parameters that together contribute to devaluing the importance of the university

career and the various diplomas obtained in France. This situation has the

consequence of creating a lack of motivation and developing psychological problems,

as Gomez (2016) points out.

1° Lemei

Lemei arrived in France for her master’s degree in joint supervision between

her university in China and France. She obtained a French-language bachelor's

degree, making her life in France much more accessible. This joint supervision

agreement of her universities had spared her the administrative complications (visa,

residence permit, etc.). However, it didn’t prevent her from experiencing difficulties

renewing her residence permit like other foreigners. After she arrived in France, she

relied on her network of acquaintances in China when she was a freelance interpreter

during her studies. This network helped her in France and informed her about the

entities that could help her find a job and accommodation. At the same time, she had

seen a job as an au-pair, thanks to the network of Catholic and Protestant churches

serving as an information platform and intermediary agency between middle-class

families and people looking for care-related jobs (housekeeper, cleaning, babysitting,

etc.), although she was not religious. After her Ph.D. degree, she got a job as a

permanent employee in one NGO offering aid for the homeless. With this permanent

employee’s status, she applied for French nationality and got it after waiting two years.

It’s important to underline the full support she gets from her family, who play a

supportive role, not guilt-inducing in her choices. Benefiting from social ascension

through education, her parents transgressed the one-child policy to bring her into the

world. They did not deprive her of higher education favoring the boy child as many

rural parents did but encouraged her to more achievements.

For more information about this success story: https://viw.pixel-online.org/case_view.php?id=MjQ=

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Lemei's trajectory shows the importance of high education as the resource to facilitate

her integration in France. Besides her diplomas in France and China, her network of

acquaintances, her language skills, her autonomy to find information, and her family’s

support are essential elements in her integration in France. Even though she has a

privileged background, she still encounters administrative constraints in France, let go

of those who do not speak the language and have fewer diplomas or qualifications.

The qualifications and opportunities Lemei may have in China make her return to

China quite possible. Her choice to stay in France is more a quest for freedom and a

desire to escape the demeaning norms of educated women like her. Employment is

another essential factor in her integration in France and is a crucial criterion for

measuring her integration in the eyes of the French administration. Having a

permanent work contract means statutory and financial stability and contributing to the

host society.

2° Marie

Originally from a developing country (Cameroon), Marie comes from a

Cameroun family of five girls and one boy. Although the priority of studies is given to

boys in her country, her parents, especially her father, always wanted her to pursue

their studies. In their eyes, the more a woman has a degree, the more independent

she is and the more she is not obliged to get married to support herself. That’s how

Marie decided to migrate to France for studies after her degree, with the full support

of her father and her older brother, who lives in Lyon.

Her arrival in France developed her ability to persevere and empower herself.

Without any family in Reims, where she lives, she first supported herself through

student jobs. After her father’s death, she temporally wanted to stop her studies and

find a job to help her mother and sisters financially. She quickly gave up this idea

following the behavior of her uncles, who despised her and her sisters, believing that

women have no right to speak and judging that their father, instead of financing the

studies of his daughters, would have done better to spend his money on other things.

Revolted by his words, Marie began to oppose all the decisions taken by her uncles

concerning her father's inheritance while making them understand that as a woman,

a member of the family, and the daughter of the deceased, she also had a say in the

decisions to be made.

Her stay in France has completely changed her vision of the place of women.

From this frontal opposition, she was aware that she no longer wished to be reduced

to the subordinate position assigned by men. That’s when she decided to get a Ph.D.

degree, succeed in her studies, and find a job in France. The objective is to prove that

a woman who migrates to Europe can succeed by herself without marrying a

Frenchman to obtain a residence permit or a job. Therefore, this desire to break with

the presuppositions of migratory success through marriage and the subordinate status

For more information about this success story: https://viw.pixel-online.org/case_view.php?id=MjU=

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of women in Cameroon led Marie to invest in her integration in France through my

university studies.

The individual story of Marie underlines the importance of acquiring knowledge

and shows how women from developing countries are looking for social recognition.

In the same way as men, they wish to obtain an ascending status within the family unit

and society. They migrate to attend university, obtain a degree, and then a job to get

this status since their access to high education and training opportunities in their

country remain difficult and few.

These two stories show the importance of language skills as an inescapable

condition for acquiring autonomy by escaping intermediaries and getting information

directly. The access to education favors the social ascension of women from modest

social strata and their quest for freedom and emancipation. It facilities the obtain of a

residence permit as foreign students. They can rely on their university network as

support and openness, representing assets that migrant women can mobilize to get a

contract in the less qualified sectors as highly skilled activities. Foreigners face more

difficulties in the French labour market due to higher social charges than French

employees. However, the diploma doesn’t guarantee the residence permit renewal

after studies or a suitable job. They still need to overcome the multiple barriers to their

integration (Nedelcu 2005, Kofman 2014).

Social services and professional skills: indispensable for the labour market

More and more immigrant women are working, but their activity rate remains

lower than that of immigrant men and non-immigrant women. They are also more likely

to hold part-time, precarious jobs, generally involuntary (Donnard 2004). They are

mainly present indirect services to individuals (maternal assistants, housekeepers for

the elderly, cleaning ladies, janitors) and in the Care sector (Farris & Magliani-

Belkacem 2013, Dussuet 2016). They are also numerous in services offering unskilled

jobs such as catering, hotels, supermarkets, cleaning, and business services. This

specialization means a precarious professional situation and greater exposure to

unemployment that immigrant women suffer from double discrimination in the world

of work because of their actual or supposed origin and gender. It is also essential to

consider the so-called informal employment where immigrant women work without

being declared, and therefore known and recognized by the State services.

The professional integration of migrant women involves various public

administrative bodies and associations working in the social and solidarity economy.

Governments promote action in different sectors of integration and inclusion policies

for women: skills equivalence, language training, labour market, entrepreneurship,

education, training, gender equality, and the fight to end violence against women.

Access to public services is conditional on legal residence and work

authorization. This excludes women who are in an illegal situation. Their access to

institutions for professional integration is minimal. These women find themselves in

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additional social, professional, and economic difficulties. The initiatives and services

of the alternative economy can offer them rare and unconditional access, considered

a valuable springboard and support in their migration and inclusion process.

1° Cassandra

Cassandra left Angora with her elder sister when they were only 7 and 8 years

old in 2005. They followed the instructions of their neighbors, who took care of them

after their parents left their hometown with their two little brothers and sister. They

arrived first in Holland, where they spent five years in a host family. They arrived in

France without speaking French and got helped by the associations taking care of

Unaccompanied Asylum Seeking Children.

She stayed there until she was 18 years old. She had to leave this center

because she was no more a child but an adult. She got housing from this association

and paid for her daily expenses until 21. The young people like Cassandra, from 18

to 25 years old, have rare help from the state:

- they are no more children, so nothing from the children’s protection social services;

- they are less than 25 years old, so they cannot have the RSA (minimum revenue

only for those who have 25 years old and more).

When she had her birthday of 21 years, she was told that she had to leave the

studio because the service is only for young people from 18 to 21 years old. Thanks

to a social worker, she got professional integration and training opportunities, finally

leading her to a permanent contract in one social work association. This job stability

helped her get social housing after spending several years in a “social residence” –

an intermediary housing before getting social housing.

She wants to continue her studies because she understands that’s very

important if she wants to have a promising career, and she knows that she must fight

alone for her future. She didn’t get her high school diploma in a difficult time. Her

employer helped her get an equivalent certificate after one year of training, and she

knows that if she wants to get a bright future, she needs more education and a

diploma.

After a particular measure announced by the Prefecture of Police gives more

opportunities to obtain French nationality for those who stayed in their work during the

challenging Covid period in 2020, Cassandra decided to seize the opportunity and

send her demand for her nationality with the help of her social worker. Step by step,

Cassandra fights for her integration in society and in the family where she was a long

time non-included.

The story of Cassandra shows the ambivalence of the social welfare system

for child care in France, in her case for the Unaccompanied Asylum Seeking Children

For more information about this success story: https://viw.pixel-online.org/case_view.php?id=NzI=

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who have both problems in family inclusion and socio-juridical integration. She

benefited from lots of help, without which, she would not have a job and a house as

she has now. But still, we would like to highlight the break moments when she got her

18 years old and 21 years old. There was seldom anticipated help for her to transition

from minor to adult or young adult to adult in the administrative categories and public

policies.

Cassandra didn’t decide her migrant initiative at all: it was always the decisions

of her parents, who didn’t recognize their family ties legally nor explained the reasons

for their exile. She was almost an orphan without really being one and staying alone.

Cassandra’s only help was the social work and social services that got around her.

These services were chained to limit their actions or even be violent when Cassandra

is not the target public receiving their benefits. The situations create more breaks in

Cassandra’s life path despite theirs helping to limit other breaks and damage.

2° Yun

Yun got her residence permit after working illegally for more than ten years. In

2005, she paid for a business trip to France and stayed after the expiry date of her

visa. She planned to stay for three years to earn enough money to improve their

family’s financial situation: pay for the medical fees for her husband and the studies

for her son. Most of the time, she worked in the Chinese community network: as a

nanny in Chinese families, like a nail bar worker, as a kitchen helper in the restaurants,

as a housekeeper for the hostels, etc.

She didn’t speak English and knew nothing about the French language when

she arrived in France. She tried to learn French in the associations to improve her

vocabulary and daily communication. For her, language skills are essential because

she even needed to hire an interpreter for any administrative procedures. Professional

skill training is another factor for her success: she trained herself hardly to become

one of the rare women sashimi chiefs.

Without university qualification, her determination to learn French and learn

sashimi work touched her boss a lot, who decided to help her get the residence permit

after spending two years working for him. Despite all the paperwork that her boss did

for her situation, she encountered many difficulties. With legal assistance, she finally

got a residence permit for her job. Despite the permit for which Yun fights for almost

ten years, she gets a bitter feeling about her stay in France, especially regarding work

choices or life choices. She had to do the low-paid job and suffered exploitation from

both her employers and some from the same country as her. All these are considered

banal since she was in an illegal situation.

During all these years’ struggle, for Yun, marring a French to get the resident

permit is never in her thoughts. She admits that it’s easier to get the card but much

For more information about this success story: https://viw.pixel-online.org/case_view.php?id=NzY=

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more challenging to get rid of the marriage. Some of her acquaintances complained

that they are not allowed to work as they used to or want to after the marriage that

gives them the legal permit. It’s a price too expensive: when you are illegal, you can

work; once you get the permit by marriage, you lose your job.

She pointed the contradiction of the public policies: her work in the restaurant

is declared, and both her boss and she paid the taxes, even she had no residence

permit for several years. She is an illegal worker, but the taxpayer is tolerated, but not

in other roles. She remembered she paid more than one month’s salary for her income

tax, even though she was not allowed to work since she didn’t have any residence

permit.

Language learning in community associations and self-training in professional

skills are key factors contributing to Yun’s integration into the labour market, ensuring

her situation's regularization. The illegal migrant situation only restraint her choices

and enhance the difficulties she has in the labour market in France as a woman: she

can barely get other jobs as an illegal woman migrant not speaking a word of French

but only in the services such as nails bar, babysitting, housekeeping or kitchen clerks.

We want to point out that Yun belongs to one generation born in the 60s and

educated in the context where gender legality was in the ideology and the real-life

under Chairman Mao, especially in the labour markets. She worked and lived without

cooking for her family or her husband: the work that she did in France to earn her

living, and with which she managed to become the financial support of her family as it

was before.

The entry into the labour market of migrant women is later and more complex

than that of foreign men or women due to specific and additional obstacles related to

their gender and their migratory path: obtaining a residence permit (and renewals) and

a work permit, language skills, access to information, lack of qualifications, lack of a

professional and social network, mobility difficulties, childcare difficulties, stereotypes

related to their origin, discrimination in hiring, more significant wage gaps among

women, exposure to different forms of violence, job mismatches, etc. While the highly

qualified migrant women have professional downgrading experience, the professional

integration of less-skilled migrant women, such as Cassandra and Yun, shows us the

additional difficulties they had encountered for their integration compared to Marie and

Lemei.

First, it confirms that language learning leads to more autonomy in both cases.

Lack of high education diploma reduces job opportunities and makes difficulties in the

labour market, while professional skills facilitate job hunting for documented or

undocumented migrants. Work opportunities and stabilities enhance financial

autonomy and housing solutions in their trajectories. Immigrant women have been

overrepresented in care-related activities, jobs in tension towards which the various

services are tempted to direct migrant women because these orientations lead more

quickly to hiring. It is also in these activities with individuals that informal work is

concentrated. That’s where Yun implemented her survival strategies as an illegal

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migrant. Like others in the same situation, they are exposed to additional risks of

exploitation and the absence of social and professional protections. Moreover, if they

are abused and exploited at work, they may fear legal consequences for their

undeclared work, which would prevent them from seeking help.

Trade union and human rights activism: a way out of forced labour?

Our last example draws on the story of Zita Cabais-Obra, who has received

high media coverage for winning a case against her former employer -- a bourgeois

family living in the wealthy arrondissement of Paris 16

arrondissement --- she sought

for labour trafficking and exploitation in domestic work (during 1994 and 1998)

. Since

then, Zita Cabais has become a global leading human rights figure who fights against

modern slavery: spokesperson in many ILO and OSCE conferences, she was recently

appointed to the International Survivors of Trafficking Advisory Council (ISTAC). Her

story tells the emancipation from a condition of sex/race/and class oppression -- a

woman and mother coming from a very poor background in the Philippines looking for

a better life abroad to support the needs of her family”. Her story also reveals the great

support she found within French associations: after fleeing from her employer, and

finding herself in the street, nowhere to go and without knowing the French language,

she met someone in the Parisian public transports who encouraged her to seek help

with the Committee Against Modern Slavery (Comité Contre l’Esclavagisme Moderne,

CCEM). Through this organization, she was then introduced to French the trade union

CFDT. There, she encountered much more than legal assistance: she found a

“school” where she started studying law and labour issues, educating herself in order

to transform her personal traumatic experience into a wide political and human rights

struggle. After one year of attending training sessions within the trade union everyday,

the CFDT proposed her to join its activities; first as a volunteer providing assistance

to victims, then on a salary basis. That brought her to work - during 17 years -- as the

General Secretary of the trade union’s branch which focuses on the care work, in the

public and private sector (SAMSSAP, Syndicat des Assistant.es Maternel.les et

Salarié.es des Services à la Personne).

While multiplying her responsibilities on a nationwide - and global - level, she

has always kept working on a very grassroots level with victims of trafficking and

domestic exploitation. That way, she has played a key role in raising awareness on

the global phenomenon of forced labour that has long remained an underestimated

issue of human trafficking (Levy 2016; Ricard-Guay et Maroukis 2017). She

emphasizes that her struggles go far beyond a strictly gender or community level. Her

work has led her to deal with a great majority of women, as they are the first victims

of forced labour in domestic work. Yet she has grown particularly critical of gender

norms of motherly care and self-sacrifice. During the workshops, Zita Cabais recounts

See for example: https://fr-fr.facebook.com/artetv/posts/10158692399918945;

https://www.streetpress.com/sujet/1551890315-zita-cabais-obra-d-esclave-domestique-briseuse-de-chaines;

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how she often tells women: "It is the affection that kills your rights. Once you have

affection, your rights are dead”. Moreover, Zita Cabais has never confined her struggle

to her national community of belonging : it deals with universal human rights issues,

and taps into the structural core of the capitalist/patriarchal/neo-colonial system when

it comes to labour, migration and reproductive issues (Federici 2019; Moujoud et

Falquet 2018). Also, her struggle goes beyond her personal story: after winning her

personal case against her former employee more than fifteen years ago, she has

accompanied many trials against exploitative employers in domestic work, many of

which are diplomats. The problem, she explains, is that they are protected by State

impunity. Until today, the French government refuses to ratify the ILO Convention

n°189 that protects domestic workers under the rule of law.

Her story thus sheds lights on the contradiction between global institutions that

give “voice” and “recognition” to former victims of forced labour, and state politics

which systematically refuse taking responsibility for such issue. In these regards, the

making of her “success story” needs to be questioned in regards of the “Moral Empire”

(Hours et Sélim 2020). While she has gained international legitimacy and high respect

for being a former victim who fought her way out, what does this recognition of

“victimhood” mean -- when the same structural patterns that reproduce this same

condition of victimhood are kept intact? To what extend her migration traumatic

experience is making her into a “good victim” (Fassin et Rechtman 2007)? Her

“gender” category into a “global heroine” (Sélim 2016)? In different ways, these figures

nurture imaginary saving patterns that build on individual levels of responsibilities in a

context where the “market market appears more and more immoral to everyone and

calls for an overall moralization, the translation of which is the emergence of a true

moral market” (Hours et Sélim 2020).

Anthropology teaches to bridge a global, political and ideological level of

analysis, that reveals systematic patterns of domination with an understanding of what

it means to be human -- how people struggle to give sense and meaning to their lives

(Jansen et Löfving 2009; Hours et Sélim 2010; Carrier et Kalb 2015). Speaking to Zita

Cabais and hearing the power of her voice and her complete determination, there is a

clear sense that her entire life has taken the meaning of a “mission” to end human

exploitation. She creates a strong continuity between her experience as a victim and

as an activist, reminding us that “I never considered myself as a victim”; but also how

she “used my wounds to guide me”. Having built herself through the globalized system

- with its worse exploitative practices, and its best “human rights” politics -- Zita Cabais

learned how to make use of it for her endless struggle for social justice. After having

worked for the CFDT for more than 17years, she’s now in the process of creating, in

France, her own association to support victims of labour trafficking. She’s very active

on social media, where she uses her highly mediatized figure to make victims reach

out to her despite their spatialized confinement. In time when the French government

actively contributes to social disaggregation and destroys the welfare system, such a

personal initiative links with many other ones, through which women, migrants and

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other subaltern groups seek to create counter-public spaces of democracy (Fraser

1990).

Conclusions

Our conclusions consist two parts. First of all, at the empirical level, we

underline that migrant women in France are subject to a series of paradoxical

injunctions, and the norms to which they must conform reveal multiple contradictions.

In the first place, if the fact of being a woman understands gender as both fragility and

reproduction - the two qualifiers being linked - this condition assigns migrant women

to care tasks (cleaning, home help, babysitting or nursing, etc.), which absorbs women

to the point of making them potentially deficient concerning their own children and

ancestors. Therefore, the ideal model advocated cannot be actualized. It bursts under

the blow of a reality stretched by access to housing, employment, family allowances,

and the obligations induced by children’s schooling and the care of relatives. From

this point of view, the ban on Muslim women keeping a headdress (improperly called

a veil to stigmatize Islam more) on their hair while accompanying school was a

revelation of the stranglehold that is closing in on migrant women.

The perfect migrant woman, with no distinctive features in her clothing, body,

and lifestyle (cooking, home decoration, etc.), would ideally only care for her own and

others in an unlimited time that would, of course, privilege her devotion to the members

of the host society. This model implies having a spouse who is himself perfect in terms

of full employment and sharing domestic tasks and not fathered too many children,

i.e., being within the national average of less than two. However, the jobs to which

migrants - both men and women - are directed are precisely those with schedules that

make it impossible to have the time available to fulfill the family archetype of complete

integration into French society.

Migrant women are thus the prey of multiple accusations oscillating between

doing too much for their own and not enough for others, or the opposite, neglecting

their duties towards their own and enjoying the offers of the outside society too much.

Scrupulous workers but failing mothers or single women who are too free and happy

on the one hand, with the hypothesis of the prostitution side (Biligha Tolane 2017),

and on the other, negligent employees and mothers too confined to their domestic

space, abusing social assistance, the options offered to migrant women make it

unthinkable their acceptance by the institutions who project their own powerlessness

onto these wo On the eve of the 2022 presidential elections, the French political area

reveals the multiple negativities brought to bear on migrant women by making the

foreigner the operator of an imaginary unification process of French society (Selim

2010). In conclusion, it should be noted that global gender norms not only do not

benefit migrant women but, on the contrary, contribute to making their situation even

more challenging (Guo et Sélim 2017; Querrien et Sélim 2015). Indeed, on the one

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hand, the revalorization of femininity through motherhood and the praise of care. On

the other hand, the supposed reconciliation for women between professional career

and fulfillment in family life are presented as values. These values are mainly out of

reach for migrant women, forced to try to prove more and more that they are doing

their best to fulfill the formal or informal tasks/jobs offered to them.

Slipping into the shoes of the victim to be saved by the French Good Samaritan

is therefore not as easy as it seems to be for migrant women. What would a good

migrant victim be if she were torn between several imperatives corresponding to the

different social fields in which she has to fit and contradict each other? Alone or

accompanied by her children and/or a husband? Turned towards those she has left

behind or carrying this heavy burden that embarrasses her in her new aspirations?

Smiling, humble but at the same time dynamic and enterprising without

overshadowing her French female colleagues?

Moreover, it should be stressed that migrant women, wherever they may be,

legal or illegal, with or without diplomas, always encounter multiple obstacles to their

wish to immerse themselves in the host society. This fact is once again demonstrated

by the discriminatory treatment given to the 15,000 or so male and female students

from the South settled in Ukraine, as they fled the country after the Russian invasion

of Ukraine. The sorting out of good and bad exiles, white and European or coming

from Asia and Africa, has shown a will to prioritize women, which was not the case for

female students from the South on the borders of Ukraine

. A deep-rooted

xenophobia has been manifested, which resonates with the transformation of the

Mediterranean and the English Channel into cemeteries for thousands of men and

women fleeing dictatorships, wars, and environmental crises.

At the theoretical level, we must highlight that social science research on

migration emerged in France in the 1970s, first with studies of rural-to-urban migration,

then with studies of migration from the former French colonies and overseas territories

to the metropolis. The vast majority of this research focused on male migration, leaving

out women, even though they were present in French rural migration (Selim 1980;

1997). Critics have shown how this has historically resulted in making invisible women

migrants specific experiences (Diaz 2020)

. As a result, studies tend to put the

emphasis on the social relations of sex as a fundamental framework of analysis to

tackle women migrant issues (Soudant-Depelchin 2016). However, we want to

emphasis how male migration continues to function as an interpretive model for all

migration, including female migration. Social science research on migration thus

appears to be marked by the reproduction of categories of sexual differentialism,

assigning men and women to gendered roles and ontologizing sexual duality. This

ideological framework of interpretation constitutes a notable obstacle to the internal

See https://www.france24.com/en/europe/20220228-pushed-back-because-we-re-black-africans-stranded-at-

ukraine-poland-border; https://edition.cnn.com/2022/02/28/europe/students-allege-racism-ukraine-cmd-

intl/index.html.

See also le « carnet hypothèse de Migrinter », https://migrinter.hypotheses.org/

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understanding of the logics and aspirations of migrant women. Not only does it result

in putting “women” and “migrant” issues into competition (GISTI 2007). It also prevents

us from grasping the emancipatory dimension of women's migration trajectories.

Our research endeavors to get rid of a priori gendered categories in order to

approach migrant trajectories, it brings a fundamentally new perspective on women's

migratory itineraries. The de-ideologization that we implement in our hermeneutic

approach allows us to grasp the complexity of women's intentions when they decide

to leave their country and their group of origin. It highlights the positive positions that

migration triggers. It emphasizes how the separation that presides over this new

departure for women opens up horizons that they would not have dreamed of, if they

had remained "in their place" as women, mothers, wives, in their environment of origin.

Migration is not only a physical and material displacement, it is also a psychic,

symbolic and imaginary displacement that question hierarchical orders and

relationships of domination.

Let us also underline the decisive contributions of the anthropological

perspective that animates this research. We consider that the anthropologist is

involved in the strongest sense of the term in the investigation she is conducting on

migrant women and that her profile constitutes a mirror in which the actresses project

themselves. The conditions of material production are therefore essential and must

be analyzed in order to grasp what the women are trying to say and elaborate in front

of the anthropologist. This mode of anthropological listening seeks to draw out the

deep dialectical meaning that women give to their migrations, embracing failure and

success, liberation and alienation. It sets in motion a double reflexivity, that of the

anthropologist and that of the actress, and links them in a hermeneutic overcoming.

The critical perspective that underlies the research carried out - in terms of the

production of materials, knowledge and analysis - has a strong and important practical

and operational significance: it leads to not locking women into normative frameworks

of interpretation, which are unfortunately common in studies on both male and female

migration. The humanitarian ideology, compassionate and condescending, very

conventional on gender roles, indeed permeates the views on migrants in general,

caricaturing their original living conditions as well as their itineraries, their misfortunes

as well as their alleged happiness.

The emphasis we place in this research on politics as a structuring element of

migratory trajectories does not only concern the objective political conditions but also

the representations of politics that are inscribed in the subjectivity of the actresses.

The imaginary figure of the State in the country of origin, in the countries crossed, and

in the country of arrival is decisive for understanding the opportunities that migration

offers to women. Indeed, everywhere the State, with its laws marked by more or less

male domination, sets the limits that women must not cross in their desires and their

lives. The women who migrate measure the relativity of these limits and free

themselves from the impositions that weigh on them. This is why the women's

narratives, their discourses, must be articulated to the political in the full sense of the

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term, which is what we do in the perspective of political and critical anthropology that

is ours in this research.

Finally, it should be noted that although the trajectories of only five women are

the basis of this article, the selection of these exemplary itineraries was made within

the framework of the Erasmus VIW project, which gave us a comparative perspective

on six countries, as we stated in the introduction.

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