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Cuestiones Pedagógicas,
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77
¿De la invisibilidad al empoderamiento de
género y la integración de los migrantes?
Repercusiones del trabajo doméstico y el
cuidado en las mujeres migrantes en Grecia
From invisibility to gender empowerment and migrant
integration? Repercussions of live-in domestic work
and caregiving on female migrants in Greece
Theodoros Fouskas
University of West Attica (Greece) & European Public Law Organization (EPLO)
tfouskas@uniwa.gr
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0507-217X
George Koulierakis
University of West Attica (Greece) & European Public Law Organization (EPLO)
gkoulierakis@uniwa.gr
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3705-1007
Lola Lyberopoulou
European Public Law Organization (EPLO)
llyberopoulou@eplo.int
Andrea De Maio
European Public Law Organization (EPLO)
ademaio@eplo.int
Resumen: El artículo se centra en el caso de
las trabajadoras domésticas inmigrantes
(criadas, niñeras y cuidadoras) en Grecia y en
el impacto del trabajo doméstico en su
integración en la sociedad griega/Grecia.
Según los resultados de las entrevistas en
profundidad, basadas en las conclusiones del
proyecto "Voices of Immigrant Women" (VIW)
(Erasmus+ 2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364), las
mujeres migrantes están atrapadas en un
marco de condiciones laborales invisibles y de
explotación y se enfrentan a la discriminación
Abstract: The article focuses on the case of
female migrant domestic workers (maids,
nannies and caregivers) in Greece and on the
impact of domestic work on their integration in
Greek society/Greece. According to the results
of in-depth interviews, based on the findings of
the “Voices of Immigrant Women” (VIW) project
(Erasmus+2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364),
female migrants are entrapped in a frame of
invisible and exploitative working conditions and
face discrimination at work. There are multiple
cases where an employer treats migrant
Recibido: 25/02/2022 | Revisado: 01/03/2022 | Aceptado: 31/05/2022 |
Online first: 08/06/2022 Publicado: 30/06/2022
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78
en el trabajo. Son múltiples los casos en los
que el empleador trata a las trabajadoras
domésticas migrantes de forma inhumana,
gritando y gesticulando, ejerciendo abusos
físicos y verbales, así como contratándolas
con contratos falsos o contratos de trabajo
que la trabajadora nunca ha leído, lo que las
hace vulnerables y susceptibles de sufrir
diversas formas de explotación. La situación
se agrava aún más por el control que se
ejerce sobre la empleada, dificultando su
acceso a otras ocupaciones y prolongando
así su permanencia en el trabajo doméstico.
En este contexto laboral, la mayoría de las
mujeres migrantes son indiferentes a la
colectividad y a la solidaridad y están aisladas
de sus compatriotas y de otros trabajadores.
La servidumbre les deja limitadas las
oportunidades de empoderamiento para la
movilidad social ascendente, siendo escasos
los casos en los que la salida del trabajo
doméstico ha supuesto un aumento de las
oportunidades de las mujeres para
convertirse en agentes principales de sus
propias vidas y salvaguardarse de la
explotación y de los trabajos informales y mal
pagados, para vivir en libertad e
independencia.
domestic workers inhumanely, by shouting and
gesticulating, exercising physical and verbal
abuse as well as hiring them with false contracts
or labour contracts that the worker has never
read, which renders them vulnerable and
susceptible to various forms of exploitation. The
situation is further burdened by the control
exercised over the employee, hindering their
access to other occupations and thus prolonging
their stay in domestic work. In this working
context, most female migrants are indifferent to
collectivity and solidarity and are isolated from
their compatriots and other workers. Servitude
leaves them with limited opportunities of
empowerment for upward social mobility, there
being only few cases where escape from
domestic work has led to an increase of
women’s opportunities to become the primary
agents of their own lives and safeguard
themselves from exploitation and informal and
low-paid jobs, to live in freedom and
independence.
Palabras Clave: Inmigrantes; mujeres
trabajadoras; trabajadoras inmigrantes;
trabajadoras domésticas; integración social;
Grecia
Keywords: immigrants; women workers;
migrant workers; domestic workers; social
integration; Greece
Introduction: Migration, the feminisation of labor and domestic work in Greece
Greece experienced flows of migrants from neighbouring Balkan countries and
the Republics of the former Soviet Union in the early 1990s, as well as from Africa,
the Middle East and Asia in early 2010 (Fouskas and Tsevrenis 2014). In the late
1980s, Greece was mostly a country that received immigrants, rather than a country
from which citizens emigrated. Census statistics prove that, in 1981, there were
180,000 foreigners residing in Greece, amounting to 2% of the total population, 63%
of whom were from more developed countries. In the 1991 census, although there
were no significant changes in numbers, less than 50% of foreigners were from
developed countries. However, in the 2001 census, the number of foreigners had
more than quadrupled, including 762,000 individuals residing in Greece without Greek
citizenship, 7% of the total population, which at the time was just over 11 million. The
most recent census of 2011 (Hellenic Statistical Authority, ELSTAT 2014) registered
912,000 foreigners in Greece, an increase of 150,000 individuals from 2001. Between
2015 and 2017, the incoming refugees were mainly from Syria. The current migration
flows are mixed, including migrants, asylum seekers and refugees (Fouskas, 2021a;
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Fouskas, 2021b; Sassen, 2021; Ministry of Migration and Asylum, 2021a)
1
. As of 31
December 2021, there were 693.517 Third Country Nationals (TCNs) (see Table 1)
residing legally in Greece, 59.216 beneficiaries of international protection, 213.016 EU
citizens and in total 965.749 legal migrants (Ministry of Migration and Asylum, 2021b).
Table 1:
Residence permits by categories/reason
Category (EU)
Total
Employment
108.037
Other
329.662
Family reunification
252.146
Studies
3.672
Total
693.517
Source: Ministry of Migration and Asylum (2021a).
According to the Asylum Service (Ministry of Migration and Asylum, 2021a), the
number of asylum applications by TCNs within the Greek territory over-multiplied
between 2013 and 2019: from 4,814 applications in 2013 (a monthly average of 688
applications), to i.e., a 14.3% rise between 2013 and 2014. In 2014, there were 9,431
applications at a monthly average of 786, a rise of 39.8% between 2014 and 2015. In
2015, there were 13,186 applications at a monthly average of 1,099, an increase by
287, 1% between 2013 and 2014. In 2016, there were 51,041 applications at a monthly
average of 4,254, an increase of 14.9% between 2016 and 2017. In 2017, there were
58,629 applications at a monthly average of 4,886, marking an increase of 14.2%
between 2017 and 2018. In 2018, there were 66,929 applications at a monthly
average of 5,580. 2019, there were 77,243 applications at a monthly average of 6,440
applications), an increase of 15.4% between 2018 and 2019. According to the Asylum
Service in 2020, the number of asylum applications by TCNs in the Greek territory
were 40.502 and in 2021 (until 31 December) 28.320 (see Table 2) (Ministry of
Migration and Asylum (2021a). Regarding the recognition of refugee status at 1
st
and
2
nd
degree, 2457 were recognized in 2016, 9378 in 2017, 12.797 in 2018, 13.833 in
2019, 26819 in 2020 and 13.781 until 31 December 2021 (Ministry of Migration and
Asylum (2021a). According to the National Centre for Social Solidarity (2022), the
estimated number of unaccompanied minors amounted to 2,209 (92 % boys), while
8% were under the age of 14. The total number of places in accommodation centres
(shelters) are 2,482 and 95 emergency accommodation facilities. Based on the data
of the National Centre for Social Solidarity 1.629 children are in Shelters, 302 in
Supported Independent Living apartments (SIL), 18 in Relocation facilities, 60 in
Emergency accommodation facilities, 172 in Reception and Identification Centres, 28
in Open Accommodation Facilities.
Table 2:
Asylum Applications - 2021 (until 31.12) per gender and age groups
Age group
Gender
0-13
14-17
18-34
35-64
65+
Total
Male
2529
3411
12036
3582
47
21605
Female
2136
369
2902
1265
43
6715
Total
4665
3780
14938
4847
90
28320
Source: Ministry of Migration and Asylum (2021a).
1
Afghanistan, Pakistan, Syria, Bangladesh, Turkey, Iran, Somalia, Albania, Egypt, Congo, see Ministry of Migration and Asylum (2021a).
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Feminist scholarship on migration underlines that in the context of globalisation
(Parreñas, 2000, 560-581) social constructions of gender and racial stereotypes drive
men and women into specific roles and organise their experiences. The presence of
women is not a new element, as female migration has always been an important
component of international migration (Hondagneu-Sotelo, 2002, 2004; Yeates, 2009;
Anderson and Shutes, 2014; Yilmaz and Ledwith, 2017; Land, 2019; Yamane, 2021).
The change is based on the economic roles that are undertaken by migrant women
during the migration process (Campani, 2000; Parreñas, 2001; Lan, 2006; Monreal
Gimeno, Terrón Caro, Cárdenas Rodríguez, 2014). More and more women are
migrating alone as heads of households and economically active subjects, while fewer
than in the past are migrating as dependents of their husbands. This new development
of international migration in relation to the participation of women has been recorded
in literature under the term “feminisation of migration” (Castles and Miller, 1998:16).
Many women from rural areas migrate autonomously or through family reunification
programmes; others, who are unskilled, migrate autonomously and at an increasing
rate from urban areas due to poverty or family issues. Those who have secondary or
higher education migrate autonomously because they are unable to find jobs
commensurate with their qualifications. Others migrate due to political unrest,
widespread violence and gender discrimination. Women also migrate following their
husbands or families. Family reunification is considered to be the easiest way to legally
enter certain countries, due to restrictive migration policies. Independent forms of
female migration include those who migrate alone or before their husbands, as both
the labour market and the gender division of labour in reception countries offer them
more employment opportunities.
The International Labour Office (ILO) (2022) stresses that domestic workers
are “those workers who perform work in or for a private household or households”.
They provide direct and indirect care services, and as such are key members of the
care economy. Their work may include tasks such as household chores (e.g.,
cleaning, cooking, washing and ironing clothes), taking care of children or elderly or
sick members of a family, gardening, guarding the house, driving for the family, and
even taking care of household pets (Table 5). A domestic worker may work on a full-
time or part-time basis, be employed in a single household or by a service provider,
be living in the residence of the employer (live-in) or in her own residence (live-out).
Social constructions of gender cannot be considered separate from social
constructions of class, race and nationality (Tyner, 1994). Migrant women are
employed as domestic workers thus as labour migrants in various countries that
continuously demand precarious, low-status/low-wage service workers and domestic
work (Tyner, 1994; Anderson, 2000; Glenn, 2010; Fouskas, 2019).
International division of labour and the feminisation of migrant wage labour (Tyner,
1994, 594; Parreñas, 2000, 563) based on patriarchy and subordination (Tyner, 1994,
594) as well as class, gendered and racial stereotypes are manifested within the
labour recruitment process (Tyner, 1994, 590), helping to channel migrant women of
the migration flows into domestic services (Tyner, 1994, 590; Lan, 2003a, 2003b;
2003c; Pyle, 2006; Lorente, 2017; Parreñas and Silvey, 2021). ILO emphasises that
at present, domestic workers often face inadequate wages, excessively long working
hours, have no guaranteed weekly day of rest and at times are vulnerable to physical,
mental and sexual abuse or restrictions on freedom of movement (ILO, 2022).
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In Greece, migrant women have become part of a cheap workforce reserve that
is continually renewed while the division of labour prompts and entraps migrants into
wage labour and low-status/low-wage jobs, distinguishing them by class, gender,
race-nationality and means of entrance into the country (Fouskas, et al. 2019a,
2019b). In Greece, female migrants are employed as live-in and/or live-out domestic
workers (house cleaning, caregiving) via direct-hire in households of Greek employers
or via employment agencies and cleaning companies (cleaning offices and
residences) to support themselves and mainly their families back in their homeland
(Anderson and Phizacklea, 1997; Lazaridis, 2000; Tastsoglou and Maratou-Alipranti,
2003; Psimmenos, 2007; Triandafyllidou, 2013; Maroukis, 2018). There is still demand
in Greek society for domestic servants, particularly for female contract workers, due
to deficiencies in the national welfare system, not only from the upper but also from
the middle-class due both to the employers’ need to shift the burden of house and
family care but also as an indication of status quo. Concerning female migrant
participation in the main sectors of economic activity (Table 3), 59.4% of female
migrants can be found in the household sector followed by accommodation and food
service activities at 17.2%, manufacturing at 7.2%, agriculture, forestry and fishing at
3.5%, and wholesale and retail trade at 2.7%. Shadow economy in Greece is
estimated at 26.45% of the country’s GDP (Deléchat and Medina, 2021). Moreover,
the percentage of uninsured workers is among the world’s highest (37.3%) and so is
the percentage of working irregular immigrants (4.4%) (Schneider and Williams, 2013,
90-96).
Table 3.
Female migrants’ participation in the main sectors of economic activity, 2017
Agriculture, forestry and fishing
3.5%
Manufacturing
7.2%
Wholesale and retail trade
2.7%
Accommodation and food service activities
17.2%
Activities of households as employer
59.4%
Total of migrant women employed
5.8%
Source: Kapsalis, 2018.
Methodology
The article attempts to address the following central question: Are there cases
of female migrants whose migration path has changed towards upwards social
mobility and socioeconomic integration? In the analysis unit in Greece of the case
study designed for the “Voices of Immigrant Women” (VIW)
2
project (2020-1-ES01-
KA203-082364, 2020-2022 co-financed by the Erasmus + program of the European
Union)
3
the main research technique of in-depth interviews was utilized. Ten (10)
interviews were conducted with migrant women in Greece (Table 4) in order to
understand the impact of women’s migration trajectory, social networks and contextual
conditions on their integration or marginalisation in host societies.
2
https://viw.pixel-online.org/
3
The “Voices of Immigrant Women” project (2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364) is co-financed by the Erasmus + program of the European Union.
The content of this publication is only responsibility of its authorship and neither the European Commission nor the Spanish Service for the
Internationalization of Education (SEPIE) are responsible for the use that may be made of the information disseminated in this publication.
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Table 4:
Research sample
No
Country of
origin
Age
Entry
year in
Greece
Family
status
Employment
Employment change
1
Congo
29
2012
Single
Professional
interpreter for a
Service provider in
migrant/ refugee
accommodation
centrer
Created her own blog & e-
shop, brand of clothes that
she designs & sews & works
as an entrepreneur
2
Kenya
50
2010
Widowed
Live-in nanny &
housekeeper
Founded and runs an NGO
to assist refugees/migrants
3
Georgia
50
1995
Widowed
Live-in domestic
worker, elderly
caregiver, private
nurse at hospitals
Live-in domestic worker,
elderly caregiver, private
nurse at hospitals
4
Philippines
57
1996
Widowed
Live-in domestic
worker
Live-out domestic worker
5
Ukraine
56
2000
Widowed
Live-in domestic
worker, cleaner,
nanny
Live-out service worker,
cleaning offices &
residences
6
Ukraine
53
1998
Married
Live-in caregiver,
elderly caregiver
Live-out caregiver, elderly
care
7
Nigeria
52
1999
Married
Live-in domestic
worker (nanny,
caregiver to older
people)
Live-in domestic worker &
caregiver for a family with
children
8
Albania
54
1996
Married
Live-out domestic
worker, cleaner
Live-out domestic worker,
cleaner
9
Philippines
55
1997
Married
Live-in domestic
worker
Live-out domestic worker
10
Bulgaria
35
2005
Married
Live-out domestic
worker (nanny,
caregiver to older
people, cleaner at a
hospital)
Live-out domestic worker
(nanny, caregiver to older
people, cleaner at a
hospital)
Source: “Voices of Immigrant Women” (VIW) project (Erasmus+ 2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364) (2020-
2022)
These interviews were conducted in person during the first half of 2021.
Applying this technique allowed the researches to delve into the migrant women’s own
vision of their migration path and their integration/inclusion process in the country of
arrival. It also helped in identifying possible “success stories” of women’s integration
and inclusion in Greece. The main constraint during the research were the Covid-19
pandemic restrictions. In order to minimize these limitations, researchers provided a
flexible availability on their part and extended the planned time of the research.
Interviewees were given an informed consent
4
form, which stated that data
confidentiality is guaranteed
5
. In the context of ethical issues and anonymity, names
or personal details of the participants would not appear in the interview transcript. The
methodological design and the information collection instruments have been designed
by the University Pablo de Olavide, as the scientific coordinator of the VIW project,
and validated by all partners.
4
i) Participants have been informed of the procedure and purpose of the study; ii) Participation of the sample and continuation in the research
has been voluntary; iii) The investigation has been carried out under the principle of confidentiality of the data provided, ensuring the correct
use of the same, iv) The research participants have signed the informed consent.
5
All personal data obtained in the study is confidential and will be treated in accordance with Law 4624/2019 on data protection.
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Results: Voices of immigrant women in live-in domestic work regarding work
conditions, healthcare, community associations and rights
Concerning the reasons for emigrating to Greece, difficult socioeconomic
situation and political instability in combination with changes in their family status were
quoted most. In many cases, when their husband who was the main provider passed
away, they decided that they could not stay in their country because if they did, they
and their children would face great difficulties and would have no future prospects.
Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) revealed:
So, I decided that I cannot go back home because if I went home, life would be
hell for us. My children were not going to have any future so I decided to stay
with my expired visa and seek asylum again.
Based on the female migrants interviewed, multifaceted administrative
procedures need to be followed in order to establish their legal status in Greece. Once
they arrive in the country on various short-term visas (e.g., tourist, work contracts),
they easily find themselves in a precarious or irregular state with enormous everyday
difficulties with their lives and also with employers. What emerged were: i) non-
possession of or failure to acquire/renew work and/or residence permits in the country
of reception; ii) seeking and relying on third parties for access to work and social
protection, iii) inability to obtain registered work and a work permit because of the
original informal situation and iv) inability to maintain their legal status due to financial
or personal changes. Residence permits are directly associated with the positive
evaluation of their application after a lengthy waiting period (in cases of asylum
seekers) or with legal stay and employment (for economic migrants) and in both cases
with delays due to administrative impediments. Interviewee 3 (Georgia, 50) sees
herself as:
I am tired and disheartened. Exhausted. Nothing else. It was worth it, though,
because I was able to do a little more, even if it was a small contribution, to
help my family. I did as much as I could have done here.
Family reunification has also been used as a mechanism for the union of family
members and must be further enhanced by migration policy. Family members,
relatives, or an individuals’ wider network of friends who had arrived in the country
earlier played an important role in the transfer of women to Greece and the majority
of the people they know are employed in similar occupations. These individuals are a
motivation for a woman either to imitate them or be persuaded to come to Greece. In
addition, they mediate between the employer or the employment office in Greece and
will also be the people who, either alone or with the candidate employer, will pick them
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up from the airport. Interviewee 3 (Georgia, 50) mentioned that an employee of the
office helped her to get to the employers’ residence. She stated:
A man from the office brought me to the employers’ house by taxi. I could not
speak Greek fluently, but I could say a few words. When they had asked me at
the office, in the beginning, I told them I wanted to work with children, because
I love children. and I had decided that. However, there was high demand for
the care of the elderly, everyone was asking for grandpa and grandma care, so
I did not have a choice.
In addition, people in the family or the wider network of friends in the city are a
means of connecting with new employers. In certain cases, female migrants choose
to live together, share an apartment, so they can celebrate collectively, maintaining
customs and traditions. From the interviews it seems that the church and collective
living during their days-off become very important elements in the life of female
migrant domestic workers in Greece in terms of collectivity and solidarity.
Work conditions
According to the interviews, female migrants face problems caused by their
working conditions particularly in live-in domestic work. Only 2/10 cases exercised
another type of work as entrepreneurs/cultural mediators or NGO workers. Engaging
in atypical, precarious or service occupations identifies female migrants with informal
work. This precarity and uncertainty is also visible during the Covid-19 pandemic. For
freelance workers their work days and therefore their remunerations were less.
Concerning female migrants interviewed, work for them is limited to those
service occupations and sectors that reflect their roles or responsibilities in the
household, like cleaning and care-giving as domestic workers. Domestic workers have
multiple duties (as maids, maidservants, nannies/babysitters, housekeepers, carers-
nurses, caregivers) depending on the employer's demands: household cleaning and
chores (e.g., laundry/cooking meals), and/or caregiving/nursing of an older adult, a
child (childcare) (see Table 5). Many turned to prayer and found strength in their faith
to draw the courage to justify and deal with their current situation, working conditions
in servile labour and to boost their hopes for the future. Migrant women spend most
of their time in the employer’s residence. They leave their place of work as live-in
domestic workers for a few hours to run errands (Monday-Friday) (e.g., grocery
shopping, walking a dog) but mostly when they have a day off, usually from Saturday
afternoon to Sunday to be with friends and compatriots. They spend that day in their
shared apartment (boarding house) with 6-11 individuals or even more in suburbs like
Kypseli, Koukaki, in Ampelokipi, or in Amerikis Square and elsewhere. They return to
the employer’s residence on Sunday night to sleep or on Monday very early in the
morning. The payment that a female migrant live-in domestic worker receives ranges
between 400-1.200 euros a month (differences based on country of origin,
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employers); but the average salary is between 500-750 euros a month. Those who
provide private care to the elderly are responsible for administering medication,
preparing meals and tending to their personal needs as well as keeping them
company at home or in hospital as private nurses. Similarly, those who provide
childcare are responsible for assisting, accompanying and generally caring for them
(see Table 5).
Generally, sooner or later they feel intense physical, emotional and mental
exhaustion at the end of the day. Interviewee 9 (Philippines, 55) explained that
generally, employers are polite to her, but there are many cases of oppressive or
restrictive behaviour towards her. For example, she was not allowed to go out or meet
others, the employer kept her passport, and there were delays in her monthly
payments. Her tasks were to clean only the employer’s house (clean the furniture,
floors, rooms, vacuuming, washing the dishes and clothes, cooking, ironing and clean
the windows), buy a newspaper for the employer, go to the supermarket, tidy up the
kitchen. Occasionally she did not cook. If there was a pet (usually a dog), she would
have to tend to its needs (see Table 5). She strived to remain with the same employers
for many years in order to build trust. Regarding the behaviour of the employers, she
had problems with the children in one residence, who hit her and made a mess on
purpose. In another case, when an item of the employer’s wife was not found, she
was blamed, and she was physically and verbally abused. When the item was found
where the employer had placed it, she tried to leave the event behind. In 2017 when
the last employer left Greece for another EU country, she moved from live-in to live-
out domestic work, cleaning different residences, a job where her responsibilities are
limited to basic chores of cleaning and ironing, for 5 hours for 3-4 employers a week,
receiving a total of 700 euros a month.
Migrant women disassociate themselves from family and community bonds and
relations, thus breaking primary and secondary social and labour solidarity and
protection mechanisms. Regarding female migrants, labour is limited to those service
occupations and sectors that reflect their roles or responsibilities and restrictions in
the household, like cleaning and care giving as domestic workers, as well as the
fulfilment of personal and individualized needs. The situation is further aggravated
because of racial and gender-based discrimination/violence in the labour market and
also by employers. In low-status service occupations, such as domestic work,
although seen as a means of survival, the working relationships with employers result
in dependence, patronage, exploitation and pseudo relations, informal values and
perceptions that generate, tolerate and/or reproduce atypical/casual tactics and
attitudes towards welfare, marked by emotionally stressful activities. Female migrants
are self-entrapped in areas of economic activity with limited opportunities for socio-
economic advancement and develop an inability to leave an employer.
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Table 5.
Tasks/duties of a live-in domestic worker regarding house cleaning, child care, caring of the elderly
House
cleaning
Furniture
Child
care
Accompanying
Elderly
care
Company
Floors
Playing/recreation
Walking
Rooms
Feeding
Medicines intake
Vacuuming
Preparation
for transfer
from/to
school
(depends)
Feeding assistance
(depends)
Laundry
Preparation
for lessons
Help when using
toilet/bathroom/WC
Dishwashing
Toilet
assistance
Help with bathing
Windows
Bathing
assistance
Help with dressing
Cooking
Dressing assistance
Responding to their requests
Ironing
Putting to bed
House cleaning
Toilet/bathroom/WC
Responding to their
requests
Pet care (dog walk)
(depends)
Source: “Voices of Immigrant Women” (VIW) project (Erasmus+ 2020-1-ES01-KA203-082364) (2020-
2022)
Working conditions in low-status services provide the background for uninsured
and precarious work which blocks any access to social benefits or contacts with
community and solidarity networks, as female immigrants work in isolation. The
situation is further burdened by the control that employers exercise over domestic
workers which results in prolonged stay in domestic work, as they are unable to access
other occupations. Employers confiscate their documents, constantly monitor them
and threaten to denounce them to the Authorities resulting in further exploitation,
discipline, consent and subordination, obedience and dependency of the domestic
workers and thus the emergence of pseudo-family relationships and pseudo-
mothering feelings and roles. Female migrant domestic workers rarely claim work
rights as they are in an isolated work space. The need for further training and support
of employability was highlighted. According to female migrants interviewed, those
individuals from the network of relatives or friends who had come to the country earlier
affected their decision to choose Greece as a country destination or to access specific
occupations. Many interviewees felt physically and psychologically drained due to
their work conditions. Interviewee 3 (Georgia, 50) explained that her work was
demanding and difficult, but she felt closer to the person she was giving care to. She
felt compassion. Interviewee 3 said:
When a person gets sick, you suffer no matter who you are. Moreover, when
you live with this person, they become your family. After all, you are with them
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24 hours a day. I do not consider this fatigue, but I feel tired because I miss my
home, my homeland. I am a little different; I do not know. Nevertheless, I
consider that I am more useful here than I would be there. So, I try to hold on
a bit more.
In certain cases, employers have tried to pay her less while threatening to
report her to the authorities, and many workers did not know their exact legal
residence status. In other cases, employers deceived her by not paying her at all.
Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) explained:
I worked for some time and it was difficult because these people knew I didn't
have proper documents. They decided to take advantage of that. So, I worked
the first month. They did not pay me my salary. They said they were going to
pay me the second month. They didn't pay me. They said they would pay me
the third month. They didn't pay me. (…) I worked 6.5 days a week, 12 hours a
day. It was even more than 12 hours. You are there for the children. Also, when
they go out, you are there when they come back. You prepare food, everything.
You wash their plates and everything. So, you go to sleep around 11.00 12.00
at night. When you pick the children up from school and you take them to play,
then that is a break. I stayed only six months. I left because they were just so
cunning because they say, oh, we’ll pay you when we have money. You won’t
lose it. They were so good at talking.
Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50), for a short period, in 2013, she received financial
support from an NGO which help her as she was exhausted from working. Later, she
found another child care job (nanny and housekeeping) described as a “God given
job”. The employers respected and supported her and her son by offering him a job
position as well. They offered a five-hour shift and a day-off over the weekend. She
opened up about herself and what she had been through and the employers showed
understanding. Interviewee 2 stated:
This job helped because I could no longer cope with abusive employers. Some
of them were good but especially the women were not; they were abusive. I
was getting tired of working in negative environments. (…) I couldn’t start my
new job immediately because it was only two days to my husband’s memorial
service. So, I wanted to be with my children. And she said yes, we can give you
that. And I told her everything about myself, and my son had just completed
high school and enrolled to study Business Administration. She talked with her
husband about him and he offered my son a job.
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Healthcare
According to the female migrants interviewed, there are problems in accessing
healthcare, they develop perceptions that cut them off from official health policy and
care while they develop perceptions regarding themselves, their health and survival
in the market of precarious, low-status/low wage jobs. According to research results,
a possible health problem may limit the ability of migrants to maintain a job, since the
majority is drawn to such occupations or to ones where there is a high incidence of
labour accidents and occupational health hazards. Due to this situation many
interviewees lack the protection of national healthcare and insurance and may be
unable to meet the cost of hospitalisation and medication. Interviewees, therefore,
have no other option but to follow informal, private and individualistic practices which
female migrant live-in domestic workers are pushed to and eventually select, even by
fundamentally ignoring their healthcare.
Interviewee 5 (Ukraine, 56) never had any difficulty in dealing with cleaning the
residences, except in some cases when the place had not been cleaned for a long
time. She described herself as a self-motivated person with unlimited strength, focus
and determination. In Greece, she felt lucky as she met the “good people”. She worked
for many years for specific people, which helped her form relationships with them.
Until 2009, Interviewee 5 was under pressure to clean the residences and take care
of the employer’s child. The pressure was best described as:
I never permitted myself to get sick; I had to be there for them, I had to work
hard, mainly because I had to clean and take care of a child all day long.
As suggested in this research, the main barriers for migrant female domestic
workers to access health and healthcare/social care services are summarized in the
following points: cost of care, lack of information on access to services such as
healthcare, social insurance and the welfare system (e.g. vaccinations/location of
services), language difficulties in communicating with health professionals and
workers in social work/care, prejudice and stereotypes of health professionals toward
these groups, and fear of these groups regarding the operation of public health
services. The interviews suggest that a considerable number of migrant female live-in
domestic workers may be employed without national health insurance, without any
work agreement or are self-employed, without insurance, medical coverage or other
labour rights. Thus, migrant female domestic workers become accustomed to not
having any rights regarding their work and healthcare. Initially, interviewees did not
know what their rights were and how to claim them. However, even when they became
more knowledgeable, they preferred to work without national health insurance
coverage in order to keep their job and receive higher wages. Migrant female live-in
domestic workers, as emerges from the interviews, are pushed to meet their social
needs in informal individualistic or private practices, which exist beyond the safety of
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formal employment, forming a grid of stability and familiarisation in the informal labour
market and living without medical coverage or labour rights.
Concerning their health, as is evident from the interviews, female migrants do
not follow any preventive health care practices and turn to pharmaceutical coverage
alone, to relatives or informal networks (medical doctors from their country-of-origin
friends/acquaintances), for hospitalisation and medical examinations to private
doctors and clinics, and to employers. Some interviewees experienced certain
stereotypes based on skin colour/racial background. In multiple cases their situation
was aggravated by the authoritarian, demanding and ugly behaviour of employers
towards them with physical and/or verbal abuse, as well as with the withholding of
their documents. Interviewee 4 (Philippines, 54) mentioned that due to the economic
crisis and Covid-19 restrictions, she is currently receiving a lower salary, which means
she needs to adhere to a strict budget in order to meet her monthly needs and
responsibilities (e.g., rent, remittances to the Philippines, bills, supermarket or other
expenses). She had to learn to survive in the current economy and the recession since
she is in Greece. When she got sick, her employer would call a medical doctor to their
residence to examine her and help her with health issues. Now, she occasionally
books an appointment and visits a doctor in public hospitals or health units, e.g., a
dentist. Some interviewees are self-insured for social security and healthcare. The
following were identified from the interviews during the Covid-19 pandemic: i) fewer or
irregular payments, ii) days-off reduced thus spending more time in employer’s
residence, iii) more dependency on employer reluctance to leave an employer, iv)
fewer or no Rapid/CPR test administered.
Migrant community associations
Regarding migrant community association participation, the socioeconomic
crisis has deepened migrants’ feelings of isolation and separation from other migrants,
has reproduced atomisation and strengthened individualistic behaviours towards
others in Greek society, as well as encouraging further dependency on employers and
migrant community representatives, leaving them exposed to exploitation, further
compromise to employer demands and the formation of a patronage relationship
(patron-client relationship) between migrant workers, employers, migrant community
and association representatives and lawyers. Due to global demand for domestic work
and unskilled manual labour that isolate the migrant worker, along with a waning need
for unity and the absence of occupational choices in the origin countries, there are
only few cases of workplace resistance and rights claims of migrant workers in the
reception societies.
Thus, in most cases, migrants are more likely to comply with the demands of
their employers or resign completely from their work rights claims. Interviewee 8
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(Albania, 54) explained that she does not participate in any migrant community
association of Albanians as she believes they do not help their members. She has
been able to solve her own problems and did not want others to interfere. Interviewed
Filipina migrants would consult a lawyer recommended by their friends regarding a
work-related problem. They would not ask for advice from the Union of Solidarity of
Philippine Workers in Greece (KASAPI-HELLAS). Many interviewees prefer religious
associations to a migrant community association. Only in few cases did migrant
women mention help from community associations, such as Interviewee 1 (Congo,
29) The interviewee was a member of the Congolese Community of Greece who
helped her on the opening day of her clothing brand by allowing her use of the
association premises for the event. Interviewee 7 (Nigeria, 52) did participate in an
association, the Nigerian Women Organisation, but has become despondent and is
inactive now. Regarding contact with family networks, those with no family members
and relatives in Greece communicate with them via video calls and social media on a
regular basis.
Due to deficiencies in monitoring mechanisms and labour inspection,
interviewees hesitated to file a complaint for fear of dismissal or being reported to the
authorities (for those with unstable/irregular legal status). In cases of abuse (verbal,
physical, psychological), payment delays or other mistreatment, migrant female
domestic workers are urged to seek alternative means of ensuring survival in Greek
society, choosing individual methods of regulating their difficulties and worker rights,
far from collectivities and often resigning from them completely. For many years,
migrant female domestic workers have attempted to solve their problems alone or with
the assistance of contact networks or their employers, which has only led to further
isolation. Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) also encountered racial discrimination. She
recalled a case when she needed to open a bank account and issue a debit cash card.
She realized that the woman who was the branch manager was purposefully delaying
the procedures. After multiple efforts, and when the manager was on leave,
Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) revisited the branch and completed all the procedures
immediately. Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) explained that African women experience
adversity from the start of their journey until their arrival in Greece. Some are sexually
exploited, abused or deceived. Problems persist after their arrival too:
Some are raped. In the forest. They come carrying their babies but with no
husband. Some are deceived that if they are pregnant, they are going to be
granted entrance documents in the country they are going. Later they find that
they will have no documents even with a baby. The males they're travelling with
also take advantage of them. They have many problems when they come here
as they do not find what they expected so most of them end up on the street.
Also, men and women all are put together in one room. They stay there
because they don’t know what’s next, because they are undocumented and
some even have their children with them. Children cannot go to school and
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women are more vulnerable. The dangers that women face are more than
those of men.
Most of the interviewees with no family in Greece send remittances to their
origin country, the amounts directly affected by the changes in the economy and
employment.
Success stories of integration: From invisibility to resilience and
empowerment?
The interviews revealed two types of changes: The first success story is related
to economic enhancement based on personal dedication and sacrifice. There were
attempts made to seek better income to support their family with remittances and in
these particular cases, 6/10 interviewees that moved to live-out domestic work were
able to avoid any further dependencies on employers. Female migrant interviewees
believe that their goals for advancement and economic sustainability are achieved
through hard work. Therefore, they perceived themselves as capable of facing any
given situation. The above is related to progress achieved after years in the Greece.
On the other hand, interviewee 10 (Bulgaria, 35) mentioned that she had expected to
face difficulties. In the beginning, she was unaware of the demands and gave her
utmost to productivity. However, once she learned Greek, everything went more
smoothly. Her primary goal is to earn money to support her children, and prevent them
from facing the same difficulties she has faced. Currently, she is trying to find work as
a live-in domestic worker which she knows is more demanding, but will guarantee
higher payment. She will sacrifice her time and fixed schedule to earn more.
Similarly, in the case of Interviewee 7 (Nigeria, 52) two significant changes
were made to her life: i) financial and ii) awareness of stereotyped treatment. On an
economic basis, she achieved greater stability and empowerment. However, her
exclusive employment as a domestic worker and a caregiver has led her to entrapment
in such jobs, dependency on employers and lineal socioeconomic mobility.
Interviewee 3 (Georgia, 50) believed that “this was worth the trip, and that, in the long
run, she benefited from the hard work and the difficulties she faced as a domestic
helper”.
Interviewee 6 (Ukraine, 53) received overtime payment with full benefits, social
insurance contributions and social insurance. Since her arrival in Greece and until
2009, she was entrapped in this specific occupation and worked mainly as a live-in
cleaner and nanny. However, after 2016, she opted to work as a cleaning lady, and
this formed a radically different reality in her life. This work enabled her to face the
adverse consequences of the economic crisis. Therefore, she feels fortunate that she
left live-in domestic work, despite still being in the cleaning sector. This has positively
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impacted her life and development in Greece. The job opportunity that emerged
offered her the chance for “salvation”, i.e., to have a successful outcome to her choice
to migrate. The migratory initiative of Interviewee 6 is associated with linear progress
in their search for a better income. The difficulties she experienced emphasize the
importance of the resilience required to survive in a foreign country. Interviewee 6
stressed the difference between live-out and live-in caregiving. In the latter, she is
greatly restricted; she has no personal life or privacy. She has to keep an eye on the
elderly all day long and overnight. Now, she feels “free”. When she works for an
employer, she does it conscientiously and respectfully. She feels grateful to the Greek
employers who employed her and perceive her as part of their family. Her work offers
her security and the sense that she is useful and can help her family. She feels that
her employers appreciate and stand by her in case of need. She misses her family,
but she is content, given that she can help her husband and children. Interviewee 3
(Georgia, 50) was uncertain of her future as she believed she had grown old and
would probably have to leave eventually. She was unsure as to how much longer she
would be able to work. She mentioned that due to the difficult and demanding tasks,
age is a crucial factor; when employers are told her age, they feel reluctant to offer
her a job. Her plan for the future is to return to Georgia soon in order to spend as much
time as possible with her grandchildren. “I am tired and concerned. Exhausted.
Nothing else. It has been worth it, though, as I could make a contribution, albeit s small
one, to help my family. I did as much as I was able to do here”, she commented. She
feels physically and psychologically drained due to her work conditions. She explains
that her work has been demanding and difficult, but also that she felt closer to the
person she cared for. She felt compassion.
The greatest difficulty at work is ironing and cooking, as employers have
specific demands. Interviewee 8 (Albania, 54) is anxious about whether she will
continue to have a job in Greece. Once her children have settled down in regular jobs,
she would like to return to Albania because she cannot work as a live-out domestic
worker and cleaner much longer, due to age. She is grateful she found a job in Greece,
stressing that “good health and work are above all” and is hoping to have saved
enough money to be able to retire. She is, however, aware that employment of female
Albanians leads to dead-end, low-status occupations characterized by horizontal
development or mobility within the occupation itself rather than upward.
The second case, such as that of Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) shows that when
a woman escapes subordination and develops critical consciousness and collective
behaviour, she is ultimately led to empowerment as she struggles to change her life.
The internal strength that emerged through the experiences of Interviewee 2 (Kenya,
50) was connected to her life purpose, decision-making and goals. She was led to
consider herself as able and entitled to make decisions. Such cases are of great
concern to social policy and migration policymakers who seek to facilitate integration,
investigate the conditions of personal service occupations, combat undeclared work
and identify weaknesses in workers' rights and organisations. Interviewee 2 (Kenya,
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50) was motivated due to circumstances. She migrated to be united with her husband
and live as a family, but had to seek employment as her husband (who worked for a
delivery company and in train station cleaning), had passed away earlier in Greece.
Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) had never dreamed of starting an NGO in a foreign country,
particularly in Greece. She also never expected to travel abroad. Although adapting
was difficult for her, as soon as she had a semblance of stability, she began cooking
for others in need. She explained:
I didn't want to stay. It was a difficult time for me. Then I started it…. Small-
scale cooking in my small kitchen in my small pot and then taking the food to
the streets to feed the needy. Now I have pots and cooking utensils to prepare
meals for more than 1000 people.
Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) mentioned that many foreigners face difficulties.
However, there are Greeks who also face similar difficulties because of the economic
crisis. In fact, in the city centre she also helps Greeks who are destitute, e.g., do not
have electricity in their homes or need food supplies. She also makes an effort to visit
apartments to provide help, for example in the case of the elderly. On her way back
from her employers’ residence, she sees many individuals from Africa suffering and
sleeping on the streets. She feels privileged because although her husband has
passed away, she has been able to support her family. She decided to start cooking
for those in need and has also provided temporary accommodation to individuals from
African countries, e.g., Kenya, Nigeria, Ghana. Interviewee 2 said:
And I thought, I'm privileged because although my husband has passed away,
I can still get a job and support my children. There are Africans here, sleeping
outside in the cold or heat. So, I decided that every Saturday, when I don't go
to work, I would cook in my house and give food to the homeless. I did it for a
long time, and I also got some off the street and I put up them in my house.
Interviewee 2 (Kenya, 50) explained that she currently sees many cases, many
people who are in need even more than before. She does not only help refugees, but
also the unemployed. She continues to provide support to individuals in need despite
current challenges connected to the Covid-19 pandemic. The NGO provides English
language lessons and all basic needs except shelter. Sometimes she provides people
with shelter in her apartment but she also hands out food. Now her team not only
teaches English and Greek but mathematics as well.
The initiative of Interviewee 1 (Congo, 29) could act as motivation towards the
independence of immigrant women beyond traditional female occupations. In addition,
in light of the above, the promotion of labour market integration must initially be
oriented towards the recording, recognition and evaluation of skills, the facilitation of
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access to the labour market, and entrepreneurship promotion. Regarding the
quantitative impact: Such initiatives could facilitate and inform immigrant women,
aiming at developing micro-entrepreneurship (start-up companies) through legislation:
a) on the issues of entry and residence (visa and residence permit), b) the
simplification of the process of setting up small businesses and (c) the possibility of
gross financing by banks and government grants (legislation) and also by increasing
awareness of the positive role immigrant women can play in their capacity as
entrepreneurs which, in turn, can contribute to economic growth for the reception
country. Successful encounters can enable and be transformative to participants and
programmes.
Such cases can be extended to the field of micro-entrepreneurship both during
the creation of new businesses (start-up) and during its development by providing
know-how, consulting voluntarily and co-financing for innovative projects with added
value. The development of micro-entrepreneurship can provide a way out – also for
locals – of unemployment and the social exclusion of vulnerable immigrant women.
The developments of the interviewee’s choices could encourage and provide
adequate support to immigrant/refugee women to maximize their potential and
ultimately help them enter the labour market successfully. Such cases could
strengthen and develop the immigrant woman’s self-confidence, enhancing her
professional and personal skills. They could act as a practical example to facilitate
immigrant and refugee women’s integration into the labour market and society. Such
initiatives should be considered due to their motivation, driving forces and emphasis
on gender-based differences.
Conclusions
Educational provisions often overlook the socioeconomic outcomes and effects
of migrant women on the job market. All women interviewed emphasized that
education ensures psychosocial support for both adults and children and the smooth
integration into the Greek educational system where a transitional period of
preparation of those who will remain in Greece is crucial. Ensuring further vocational
training will develop a plan for their integration and empower them towards social and
labour market integration. All women interviewed argued that regardless of age, each
person faces challenges in learning a new language. Bureaucratic obstacles were
mentioned during school enrolment before and during the Covid-19 pandemic.
Interviewees underline the necessity for a) multiple Greek language and culture
courses, b) human rights and gender equality education and c) awareness events so
local communities can learn about the background of migrants. All women interviewed
noted that learning the Greek language is central in accessing social care and social
services. They underlined the necessity of attending Greek language classes as it will
help them in everyday communications with social services. Due to the existence of
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lengthy procedures, legal support is required. According to their experience,
interpreters are considered essential in public social services (healthcare, taxation
services, municipalities, Unified Social Security Fund etc.).
The majority of interviewees (9/10) believed that migrant community
associations do not help female immigrants in work and other matters, and they need
to turn to legal advisors for help. Some also stressed that one does not need to
become a member of the association after becoming become familiar with the
procedures or turning to lawyers for legal advice with their employment rights. The
majority of women reported that their involvement in the church and religious
organisations monopolized their interest. Female migrant domestic workers prefer to
spend their spare time in church and Bible study groups rather than joining a union or
a community association. In their spare time they contact their family members, do
recreational activities, socialize or simply rest.
Due to the work mode and employment, not only is the workforce's life at risk,
but also its freedom and potential for progress and social development. Since migrant
women are isolated and unable to find social and labour solidarity and assistance,
social policy and labour protection measures as well as the active intervention of
advocacy associations, trade unions and workers’ organisations regarding migrant
workers' labour organisation and representation, response and resistance at the
workplace, are imperative. Concerning their labour rights, migrants experience intense
workplace instability and also in their relationships with fellow migrant workers. This
workforce is distinguished by its lack of work rights and trade union representation.
More and more migrants are becoming a part of a workforce reserve that is continually
renewed and is divided into sectors according to the type of employment.
Initiatives at local level should be taken into consideration based on their effect
on aiding adaptation to everyday life. Grassroot actions such as support of Greek
language learning programmes and targeted educational programmes in specific
groups of immigrants and refugees or refugee women, lead to socioeconomic
integration. Migrant groups need more protection under the national legal framework
and labour inspection mechanisms so as not to fall victim to exploitation, social
exclusion and poverty. Cases of resilience with female migrants leaving live-in
domestic work such as that of Interviewee 6 (Ukraine, 53) emphasize that their life
changed significantly for the better as soon as they broke free from the instability and
dangers of live-in domestic work and caregiving. Another job was found when they
could not, for psychological reasons, continue work as a live-in domestic worker.
However, not all migrant women can escape such live-in domestic work.
Regarding the “success stories”, such initiatives for vulnerable groups are
based on the need to follow targeted actions to cover the socioeconomic difficulties
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that are present, as they face problems of adaptation and integration into society.
These initiatives could create the basis for interventions aiming at the integration
(Krummel, 2012; Briones, 2020) of large numbers of individuals or families and could
include the provision of psychosocial support services, counselling, support and
enhancement of technical training, language learning, facilitating access to local
services as well as to the host society, legal support, etc., aiming at the gradual
attainment of independence and the ability of the beneficiaries to integrate into the
social fabric of the host society.
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